A World in Transition — Part Two: Why Caribbean Cooperation Matters More Than Ever

By Dr. Livingston Smith

As Caribbean households feel the pinch of war and global instability, we know from firsthand experience that conflicts far beyond our shores have consequences for our everyday lives. We feel them in the price of food, the cost of electricity, shipping delays and uncertainty about supplies. Decisions taken elsewhere also shape the financing available to our businesses and the technologies used in our schools, hospitals and public institutions.

In the first article, I examined the changing distribution of global power and argued that greater diplomatic choice would not automatically produce greater Caribbean autonomy. The practical question now follows: what must we do to turn those choices into a stronger position? My argument is that, ironically, a more multipolar world makes Caribbean regionalism more necessary. As powerful countries cultivate partners and compete for influence, our ability to secure favourable terms will depend partly on how effectively we organise ourselves. Deepening Caribbean integration must be prioritised.

The founding signatories of CARICOM understood that political independence needed an economic and institutional foundation. In establishing CARICOM, Errol Barrow, Forbes Burnham, Michael Manley and Eric Williams envisaged economic integration, coordinated foreign policies and practical cooperation as means of improving Caribbean lives and strengthening the region’s position in the world. Their vision has even greater relevance today. Climate vulnerability, technological change and competition among powerful countries make the pooling of our resources, expertise and diplomatic influence increasingly necessary.

The Caribbean’s interventions at the September 2026 United Nations General Assembly provide an important starting point, revealing the region’s concerns about both its immediate challenges and its more persistent, long-term problems.

Across their interventions, Caribbean representatives addressed climate vulnerability and rising sea levels, debt sustainability and access to affordable finance, technological change and the governance of artificial intelligence, reparatory justice, regional security and the weaknesses of international institutions. They also spoke to Haiti’s deepening crisis, the illegal flow of weapons into the region, the treatment of Cuba and the importance of safeguarding sovereignty and international law.

Taken together, these interventions underscore the need for the Caribbean to consider its position within a changing distribution of power. Each of these concerns makes Caribbean cooperation more necessary. Whether we are seeking climate finance, shaping the rules governing new technologies, pursuing reparatory justice or protecting regional peace, our prospects improve when we pool expertise, coordinate our efforts and negotiate from common positions. Regional cooperation cannot by itself resolve these challenges, but it can strengthen our capacity to respond and our influence over decisions that affect us.

Barbados’ Prime Minister Mia Mottley recalled Errol Barrow’s commitment to being “a friend of all and a satellite of none”. That principle offers a useful foundation for engaging widely while preserving independence of judgement. The challenge is to build the economic and institutional strength that makes such independence sustainable.

Regional cooperation can also help us turn a wider range of international partnerships into better terms for Caribbean development. Relationships with the United States, China, India, Europe, Africa, Latin America and others offer opportunities in education, trade, investment, technology and climate adaptation.

China’s substantial presence in the Caribbean already illustrates these possibilities and the questions they raise. In Jamaica, Chinese firms have played a major role in developing the North–South Highway and other important road infrastructure. In Antigua and Barbuda, Chinese financed the redevelopment of the country’s Deep-Water Harbour, while in Guyana, CNOOC holds a 25% interest in the offshore Stabroek oil block. These relationships take different forms, investment, lending and construction contracts but together show that changing global power is already part of our economic landscape.

This presence, however, comes with its own challenges. Alongside questions about financing terms, local participation and long-term obligations, closer ties with China have attracted US concern, adding diplomatic pressure to economic decisions. For the Caribbean, the task is to secure the benefits of these partnerships while preserving our freedom of choice, a task that stronger regional cooperation can help us manage.

The essential question is what these relationships enable us to become. Do they develop local skills, create opportunities for Caribbean businesses and strengthen public institutions? Do they preserve our ability to change suppliers and adjust policy?

Diversification should strengthen our choices and capabilities. As the dependency question raised in Article I reminds us, having more partners will yield limited benefits if we lack the capacity to evaluate proposals, negotiate agreements and retain a fair share of their gains. Pooling regional expertise can help us make these choices more effectively.

Greater competition among powerful countries also brings pressures. A port, telecommunications network or security agreement may acquire strategic significance beyond its immediate purpose. Caribbean strategic autonomy therefore means having the practical capacity to assess competing offers, weigh their long-term obligations and pursue our interests without excessive dependence on any single partner.

That autonomy rests on sovereignty, peaceful dispute settlement and consistent respect for international law. Mottley’s defence of the Caribbean as a zone of peace, including her support for resolving the Guyana–Venezuela territorial controversy through the International Court of Justice, reflects this concern. The calls by Belize and Jamaica for action on Haiti likewise connect national security with regional solidarity. Caribbean cooperation must therefore combine a stronger international voice with sustained responsibility for the difficult problems within our own region.

Caribbean regionalism is an enduring response to the limitations we face individually and the possibilities we can create together. A changing global landscape gives renewed urgency to that purpose. More partners may widen our options, but stronger cooperation can help us turn those options into lasting gains. The task is to give practical effect to a vision whose relevance has grown. In the next article, I will explore what this requires of CARICOM and our national institutions, and where deeper cooperation can make the greatest difference